Given the role that EPP-feature checking has continued to play in
generative (minimalist) syntax, it is reasonable to ask how this
checking requirement manifests itself in Slavic, particularly in the
case of Slavic impersonal predicates where a thematic external
argument is not available to perform this function. The EPP-feature of
T(ense), or T's D-feature,
requires that the highest
Spec of the verb's extended projection be filled. Such a discussion
necessarily involves a reconsideration of the role that expletives
play (expletives have been argued to be the Spell-Out of T's D-feature
(Jonas 1996). It will be recalled from recent work in checking
theory, that pure expletive-Merge is less costly
from
an economy perspective than Move. The main question this paper
addresses is whether this less costly operation is available in Slavic
impersonal predicates.
The Ukrainian de-coupled
and checked
independently); and (iv) an examination of EPP-checking in Ukrainian
An example of Ukrainian divorced
from discourse interpretation, following
recent work by Babyonyshev (1996). Thus, the preverbal internal
argument is optionally non-D(iscourse)-linked and felicitously
responds to an out-of-the-blue what-happened
-type
question (e.g., Ukr.: &Shachek;&chachek;o stalosja?).
(1) Ma&shachek;ynu (acc) bulo zipsovano ([-agr]) v avariji. A car was damaged in an accident.
The argumentation presented relies largely on empirical facts, many of them from traditional descriptive sources (e.g., Shevelov 1969) where the possibility of pleonastic subjects in Ukrainian is discussed. The goal of this kind of research is to explore the descriptive generalizations that are made possible by an examination of problems that are theoretical in nature.
The central claim of this paper is that the expletive checking
solution of pure-Merge is not available in Ukrainian
(2) ??Bulo zipsovano ma&shachek;ynu v arariji. (3) ??Vono bulo zipsovano ma&shachek;ynu v arariji.
Next it will be shown that an analysis in which a null expletive is
posited to satisfy the EPP forces the undesirable stipulation of a
special, anomalous type of expletive-associate relationship (one that
lacks the well-known definiteness effect
) just for this
Ukrainian construction. To summarize, based on word-order, the
distribution of
Finally, the fact that Polish what happened?
(Co si&enasal; stalo?) given in (4) thus
contrasts sharply with Ukrainian (1):
(4) (pro-arb) znaleziono ([-arg]) niemowl&enasal; (acc) na śmietniku. They found a newborn at the dump-site.
References:
Babyonyshev, Maria. (1996)
Billings, Loren. (1993)
Franks, Steven. (1995)
Jonas, Dianne. (1996)
Shevelov, George. (1969)